Except in the border states, Stanley thought with cynicism. There, the President left the institution untouched, fearing those states would defect to the South.

To Cameron, he said, "I leave purchasing methods in your hands, Mr. Secretary. But I want there to be sufficient arms to equip General McDowell's army and the camps of instruction and the forces protecting our borders."

They all understood the last reference: Kentucky and the West. Lincoln refused to risk a chance misunderstanding. "Look into European purchasing a little more aggressively. Let Mr. Chase mind the dollars."

Spots of color rose in Cameron's shriveled cheeks. "Very well, Mr. President." He wrote several words on the grimy paper and stuffed the scrap in a side pocket. God knew whether he'd ever retrieve it again.

The meeting ended with Cameron promising to assign an assistant secretary to contact agents of foreign arms makers immediately.

"And confer when appropriate with Colonel Ripley," the President said as he left. He referred to the chief of the Army Ordnance Department headquartered in the Winder Building; like Scott, Ripley was an antique left over from the 1812 war.

Chase and Scott left, each in a better mood because of Cameron's pretense of pliability. Also, the news from western Virginia was good lately. George McClellan had whipped Robert Lee out there early in June.

The men who had convened today represented two different theories of victory. Scott, who could be seen wincing and growling from the pain of gout induced by his gluttony, some weeks ago had proposed a grand scheme to blockade the entire Confederate coastline, then send gunboats and a large army straight down the Mississippi to capture New Orleans and control the gulf. It was Scott's intention to isolate the South from the rest of the world. Cut off its supply of essential goods that it couldn't produce for itself. Surrender would follow quickly and inevitably. Scott capped his argument by promising that his strategy would assure victory with minimum bloodshed.